In perusing this volume, a number of thoughts cross our minds in respect of Netaji himself, the historical significance of the struggle that he led, and the long-term impact of ideas that he so effectively articulated. The period 1943-45, as you are all well aware, represents the zenith of his endeavours. This volume, in fact, covers many of his key speeches and exhortations. We see the different dimensions of Netaji - as a political leader, as a military strategist, as an analyst of his contemporary global scene, and above all, as a humanist who connected so uniquely with those beside him. Many of the speeches and writings are of an emotional nature, which can move a reader even six decades later. But there are others as well, which reflect Netaji’s deep analysis and perceptive thoughts about India and its future. On the occasion of this release, it would probably be most appropriate to dwell on the contemporary relevance of Netaji and his message.

To my mind, the most immediate lesson that we can draw from Netaji’s life and his endeavours is an understanding of the importance of the external environment in shaping national destinies. It is by now widely recognised that the collapse of the British Empire came about as a consequence of political, military and social developments in which Netaji played such a leading role. The British may have won the war in 1945, but in the process of doing so, were compelled to accept fundamental changes in how the system was run, which made the empire untenable by 1946. In his special message on 15 August 1945, Netaji had expressed confidence that “There is no power on earth that can keep India enslaved. India shall be free and before long.” If within two years to that very day India attained independence, it was because Netaji leveraged a global situation to mount enormous pressure on the colonial regime. International politics offers both opportunities and risks, as much today as it did 60 years ago. Netaji demonstrated a boldness of vision and action that had great consequences for India’s freedom. Today, in a very different environment, India debates the linkage between the international system and our domestic processes of change. We can draw strength and confidence from Netaji’s policies as we engage the world more intensively.

The impact of Netaji on Singapore specifically and Southeast Asia more broadly was dramatic. He infused courage and determination among those who were willing to resist colonialism. His very presence provided greater confidence and self-respect to communities that had earlier simply accepted their fate. He was not just a leader of the Indian National Movement but a dominant personality in a larger anti-colonial surge that spread through the entire region. His impact on national movements in Myanmar, Malaysia and Indonesia is indisputable. If you read or re-read some of his addresses to a larger audience in this volume, the broadness of his vision and the generosity of his temperament come through very strongly. We in India are currently engaged in reconnecting the country with Southeast Asia and East Asia. This is the kernel of our “Look East” policy, which is expressed in many dimensions and facets. To be successful, we have to draw upon the legacies of history. This may go back to the Nalanda era or the Chola period. But in its more contemporary manifestation, there is no more powerful symbol of India’s brotherhood with the nations east of us than Netaji. I am sure that in the times ahead, there will be still greater appreciation of his contribution to shaping the post-War developments in this region.

In November 1944, Netaji gave a lecture in Tokyo on “The Fundamental Problems of India.” It is covered in this volume and I would particularly commend that lecture to the attention of those who may not have read it before. In this speech, Netaji dispels many colonial myths about India. He does so with pride but without jingoism. He analyses the impact of other national movements on India, which buttresses the point I made earlier about his internationalist approach. Netaji also attempts what he calls a sociological analysis of modern India. He differs with Mahatma Gandhi on many issues, but does so with respect and without rancour. But the most interesting element of his talk is what he outlines as the key priorities that would have to be addressed by modern India – self-defence, poverty and unemployment and the problem of education. These are exactly the issues that we in India are grappling with in our current reforms.

In a national movement that was driven by secularism, Netaji was probably the most secular of its leaders. His commands, directives and speeches, particularly of the INA period, convey that commitment in the strongest terms. The congruence between true nationalism and secularism – which Netaji embodied – is a principle that India can neglect only at its own cost. Whether it was his choice of language, his selection of symbols, or his preference for companions, Netaji taught us that India’s unity was truly in its diversity. That lesson will always be a key to our progress.

Before I came here for the book release, I visited the site where the INA Memorial once stood in Singapore. It was a poignant moment. A full appreciation of the historical significance of Netaji and his life is still underway. But I believe that this series of his Collected Works will do much to make that possible. I would, once again, like to express my appreciation to the organisers of this event. Thank you.

The entrepreneurial India that I have referred to has been in the making since Independence. In the initial decades, our focus was on building capabilities and institutions that would allow us to engage the world on more equal terms. Even as we achieved a considerable measure of success in that regard, we found that the relatively limited nature of our external interactions diminished our competitiveness. In the last decade and a half, we have embarked on policies of reform and modernization that have unleashed latent energies in our society. Despite change of Governments, our national policies have remained essentially consistent during this period. This is because the benefits of reform have manifested themselves continuously in terms of higher growth rates, greater availability of goods and services, reduction of both urban and rural poverty levels and improvement in our quality of life. Where reform itself is concerned, that India will stay the course is no longer in doubt. The debate today largely centres around the optimal implementation of reform policies and the nature of challenges that continue to confront us.

Challenges we seek to address currently fall into four broad categories. First and foremost, we have to ensure a rapid expansion of employment opportunities. Reform has led to higher expectations and greater awareness, particularly among our youth. No Government can afford to disappoint them. Indeed, it will be our success in expanding employment that will determine whether our demographic structure is to India’s advantage. To do that, growth in manufacturing will not only have to be sustained but spread more evenly throughout India. You would have noted that our Government has unveiled initiatives that encourage this very objective, including the establishment of Special Economic Zones.

A second set of challenges is in the field of agriculture. For the benefit of our farmers, we must expand our food processing industry and encourage more widespread applications of technologies. Thirdly, both urban and rural India are equally constrained by the state of our infrastructure. Consequently, this has emerged as a focus area for greater domestic and foreign investment. We have evolved effective public-private partnership models and the results are beginning to show in modernization of road, rail, airport and ports, as well as power generation. The fourth set of challenges is in human development, where our indices would only improve with more commitment of resources and effective delivery. The growth stories of Southeast Asia and East Asia clearly bring out the centrality of human resource development. In the final analysis, reform in a democratic society like India will be judged by the quantum of population that perceives benefits flowing from it. It is, therefore, imperative that public policies are compassionate and growth inclusive.

Singapore occupies a special position in the thinking of an India undergoing change. It was among the earliest countries to recognize the significance of our reform efforts. Singapore has been a strong partner and an enthusiastic advocate of India. Its political and corporate leadership have engaged us across a very broad spectrum of issues. Singaporean companies have established themselves in various sectors in India, creating win-win situations in the process. Quite appropriately, it was the first country with which we concluded a Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement. The CECA, as all of you are well aware, is a framework that deals with the totality of our cooperation – from tariff levels and investment protection to taxation, standards, qualifications, services and movement of people. The results of CECA are already beginning to make themselves felt. It has substantially expanded our trade and appears to encourage greater investment flows. Last year, Singapore was among our top five trade and investment partners.

The launch of the IBF provides an opportunity to reflect on the outward nature of our engagement with Singapore, one that does not always get the attention it deserves. I believe that there are today more than 2500 Indian companies in Singapore, making them the fourth largest foreign presence in this country. Many of them have set up regional or Asian headquarters here, while others have seen the advantages of establishing a front office for their global business. They compete successfully with the most established global players in their particular field. Their presence spans a wide spectrum from services to manufacturing, and from hi-tech to the basics of business. Indian brands and goods are increasingly finding prime shelf-space in Singapore markets. Indian banks are expanding their operations and Indian educational institutions are establishing themselves. Our air traffic and tourism figures have shown very sharp growth in recent years. The number of Indian expatriates in Singapore has also registered a significant increase.

The India Business Forum is a commendable step in bringing together Indian companies in Singapore. As these companies compete in a challenging market, they inevitably face issues that need to be addressed collectively. Perhaps in time, these issues would extend beyond Singapore to other ASEAN countries as well. An effective Forum would be a very welcome and timely initiative, coming as it does when the two Governments are working actively to raise the bilateral relationship to new heights. It can make a critical contribution to the appreciation of ‘Brand India’ in Singapore.

It is also appropriate that we have today announced formally the establishment of the India-Singapore CEOs Forum. Its membership includes the most respected corporate personalities from the two countries. They can provide ideas and suggestions from the industry perspective to take our relationship forward in the post-CECA phase. We look forward to their recommendations.

May I conclude by thanking the Confederation of Indian Industry for their efforts in launching the India Business Forum, supporting along with the Singapore Business Federation the CEOs Forum, and for organizing this event which has brought us altogether.

Distinguished Public Lecture by the Hon’ble External Affairs Minister at the S.Rajaratnam School of International Studies (20 June 2007)

I am delighted to speak to such a distinguished audience on India’s foreign policy priorities. Let me begin by thanking the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies and the Institute of South Asian Studies for providing me the opportunity to do so. I would also like to express my appreciation to the Government of Singapore, in particular to Foreign Minister George Yeo, for the warmth of their welcome and their hospitality. Mr. Yeo’s presence here today only underlines the rapport that we have established.

I have chosen to speak on this topic for a number of reasons. As many of you would be aware, India has undergone very significant changes in the last decade and a half. During this very same period, the international order has also seen a profound structural transformation. Consequently, the foreign policy of India has had to reformulate its priorities. Some of it is reactive to a larger environment. But much of the new thinking is driven by choices we have made due to our changing domestic situation. We need to share that thinking with key partners and regions where these priorities make themselves felt. There can be no better venue than Singapore for doing so.

Let me begin with the changes in India that have impelled the emergence of new foreign policy priorities. The economic story is well known. We have achieved an average rate of 9% growth in the last three years and hope to push it up even further. The savings rate is 32% of the GDP and the rate of investment is 35%. Both manufacturing and services have performed impressively. While sectors like information technology have a larger than life image in this process of reform, the spread of prosperity has been widespread and the population below poverty level has come down by almost ten percentage points in the last decade. Rising foreign direct investment figures convey both the potential for business and global confidence in our success. India is also making its economic presence felt abroad, notably through trade and acquisitions.

While optimistic of our prospects, we have to be objective about the challenges that India faces. We ourselves believe that our performance has fallen short in a number of areas. In the social sector, we have not addressed primary education and primary health as effectively as nations of South East Asia and East Asia have done. This leaves us vulnerable to shortage of skills at various levels. It also creates challenges of employability and social backwardness. The foremost priority of the UPA Government is, therefore, to step up social sector investments. We need both higher growth and more inclusive growth. Bottlenecks posed by the current state of infrastructure are also a major concern. They impact on our efficiencies, employment potential and even on awareness. Similarly, the utilisation rate of both physical and financial resources is critical to our prospects. A profligate model of development is simply not acceptable. Our successes in these sectors will be central to the management of change.

Driven so significantly by domestic consumption, India has had to create its own model of growth. There is, perhaps, no precedent for change taking place on such a scale in a democratic framework. But there is much that we can gain from interaction with other societies in terms of best practices, improved capabilities and additionality of resources. An era of 10% growth and closer integration with the global economy clearly calls for a different approach. Emphasis on expanding foreign trade and attracting greater foreign investment flows requires a refocusing of our energies. Indian diplomacy has to get more business oriented and the integration of science & technology and other knowledge-based initiatives into our foreign policy goals must be the norm. Energy cooperation is already acquiring greater salience in our thinking and we are seeing that key sectors like agriculture can also benefit from greater international cooperation. As a result, economic and commercial work in our Missions and Ministries is acquiring greater weightage. Indeed, the inter se importance of relationships itself is changing, taking these priorities into account. We have to take note, for example, of the shift in global economic weight towards the Asia Pacific region.

The transformation is not just in scope and content but in our attitudes. Indian diplomacy approaches the world and the opportunities that await it with much greater confidence. We look forward to leveraging the external environment to achieve faster growth. This has not always been our recent historical experience. In the past, issues like food, aid or even investment had been used to pressurise us on national security. Our growing strengths now allow us to address what risks there may be in greater engagement. At the same time, we would like to avoid the temptations of a mercantilist approach. We are convinced that our efforts would be better rewarded if they are perceived as equitable rather than self-centred. Therefore, even as it draws from the world to its advantage, India remains ready to contribute what it can. We are today a net aid donor, with programmes extending to a number of developing countries. Focusing on our skills development strengths, we offer an ambitious and broad spectrum training programme called ITEC to 156 nations. In peacekeeping, our forces have participated in 43 of the 61 missions undertaken since the founding of the UN and are currently deployed in Congo and Sudan. We have a long tradition of perceiving the world as a family and our current approach can draw strength from that tradition.

A need-based review of our priorities does not present the full picture in its complexity. Global structural changes also have to be taken into account. Not only has the Cold War ended, but an extraordinary inter-dependence among leading states of the international order is in the making. This has led some analysts to postulate conflict among the great powers today as extremely unlikely. Historians may note that globalisation is not a new phenomena and that inter-dependence did not prevent the First World War. But the intensity and inter-penetration of the global processes are of an altogether different order today. They affect fundamental choices and shape basic lifestyles. This emanates, among other factors, from the inter-linkages of the technology era. The economy of comparative costs has generated new trade patterns and dependencies. The migration of skills, and consequently of people, is an added dimension. Information is used today to transcend both space and time. After all, we Indians know that not just from ancient learning but from the more contemporary phenomena of Business Process Outsourcing and call centres!

Three factors stood in the way of these processes till a few years ago. First, the Cold War and its ensuing political polarisation was a great divide. Second, the weakness of post-colonial economies prevented them from playing an adequate role. Third, the disruption of natural connectivities and the artificial compartmentalisation of regions during the colonial era also built barriers. India, for example, was separated from South East Asia, West Asia and Central Asia – all regions with which it has had deep historical connections. What an eminent historian described as “the natural unity of the Indian Ocean region” was disrupted and is still to be fully restored.

At the moment of our Independence, Jawaharlal Nehru very presciently recognised the inherent inter-dependence of our world when he declared that, “Peace has been said to be indivisible; so is Freedom, so is Prosperity now, and so also is Disaster in this One World that can no longer be split into isolated fragments.” Today, there is a broader appreciation that what unites the key players is more than what divides them. Policy makers are beginning to understand that inter-dependence and competition can co-exist.

This has profound consequences for foreign policy formulation, including for India. We see relationships less in terms of zero sum games and more in terms of win-win outcomes. The search is for constant leveraging and maximum flexibility with the belief that progress in one relationship can lead to significant improvements in others. We are willing to engage more because there are thresholds below which relationships cannot afford to fall. This allows broader engagement and isolation of differences where they may exist. The confidence to moderate problems can grow if the natural tendency is to search for commonalities. All of this naturally requires a change of mindset, just as reforms do at home. The old balance of power approach must give way to a greater acceptance of multi-polarity, not only globally but in Asia as well. Diplomatic styles will necessarily have to be more creative to take this into account. India is particularly well placed in this new era as its relationships with other major power centres could allow it to reach an optimal position.

Any assessment of the future directions of the international system naturally has to take into account the short-term challenges that the system is likely to encounter. There are broadly four categories of issues that a more inter-dependent world will have to address. Each one has its own implications for India’s foreign policy. First, there is the growing salience of the role of non-state actors in global politics. These are pre-dominantly drawn from forces that are opposed to the current international order and the values that it represents. Since the order itself is essentially pluralistic and diverse, non-state actors tend to be driven by narrow ideologies and a fundamentalist outlook. Al-Qaeda is seen as the archetype after 2001 but we in India have known and been meeting such threats for close to two decades before that infamous day. The solution to this challenge lies in resisting the temptation to meet it equally narrowly. Instead, we must remain steadfast in our commitment to multi-culturalism and resist the temptation to square medieval ideologies with modern day principles of democratic pluralism.

Non-state actors can move independently or in tandem with the less responsible states of the international system. Such states, therefore, represent a second category of challenges, prone to be swayed by intolerance and narrowness of thought and out of step with the contemporary world. Their relationship with the world tends to be adversarial in character and carries a sense of self-interest to the extreme. Therefore, there is in them little, if any, hesitation in defying the rules by which nations today interact with each other. A strategy to deal with such states is to draw them into the system while simultaneously deterring them from undertaking irresponsible actions. Diplomacy of such complexity obviously poses its own problems.

We are also required to address a growing host of global challenges. Ranging from natural disasters and pandemics to environmental concerns and terrorism, they need coordinated responses from the international community for two reasons. One, the magnitude of the problem and its spread across many nations makes it difficult for any single nation to respond. Second, the very lack of national ownership over the problem limits a purely national solution. As the 2004 tsunami experience demonstrated, building habits of cooperation among nations is vital to a speedy response to global challenges. This is an important objective for contemporary Indian foreign policy.

The fourth category of challenges comes from the inequities of the globalisation process. If there is a continuing mismatch between expectations and benefits, we are writing a prescription for greater global uncertainty. Rather than press dogmatically for the prosperity of a select few, the international economic system has to opt for a rising tide that will lift all boats.

The loss of cultural identities in the process of modernisation is an equally worrying phenomenon. Given our stakes in global stability, the Indian policy maker today has to apply the range of options available – from training and assistance to soft power and sharing of inter-cultural experiences – to achieve the best possible outcome. The utilisation of civil society mechanisms will also have to grow, including the role of Track II dialogues and Foreign Offices will have to co-opt other players in order to enhance their own performance.

The prospects in our own immediate neighbourhood also call for more imaginative initiatives. We are committed to ensuring a peaceful periphery. This is a requirement not only for India’s continued growth but for the larger good of global society as well. Whether it is trade or logistics, energy or services, a partnership with India can be of great value to our neighbours. Our challenge is to provide them incentives to step forward. Today, trans-national cooperation is essential if communications within South Asia and beyond are to significantly improve. The inter-dependent nature of security is increasingly evident. India is not just a motor for regional growth; it can equally be the bulwark of regional security. In charting a bolder course, we will inevitably come up against suspicions and scepticism. To allay them, we will have to be prepared to go the extra mile. Our decision to unilaterally liberalise tariffs for the least developed countries of the region is illustrative of this approach and underlines the seriousness of our commitment to a South Asian Customs Union, and eventually, an Economic Union.

In South Asia, we have also stepped up our bilateral engagements while seeking to make SAARC a broader and more open organisation. At its 14th Summit meeting in New Delhi in April 2007, we welcomed Afghanistan as a member and China, Japan, US, the EU and South Korea as associated observers. Iran will also be an associated observer at the next Summit. Combating terrorism, including its financing aspect, was another major focus of the Summit. Our vision of stronger regional cooperation and harmony has led us to boldly address even difficult historical problems with a view to finding long-term solutions.

With the regions immediately east and west of India, our endeavour is to revive historical cultural linkages to add more dimensions to contemporary cooperation. With China, a more broad-based relationship with greater exchanges has allowed us to build bridges to a degree that could not have been anticipated a decade ago. With the United States, the understanding on civilian nuclear energy cooperation and a new framework of defence cooperation are two examples of the transformation underway. With Russia, a long-standing friend and reliable partner, our mutually beneficial interaction, particularly in energy and technology trade, has received a greater boost. The intensity of our engagement with the European Union, with whom we hold annual partnership summits, has grown across a broad spectrum of issues. With Japan, the convergence of our interests has encouraged us to find new areas of cooperation. India is also a member of a growing number of regional and international structures. These include the ASEAN Dialogue, ARF, more recently the East Asia Summit and Asia Europe Meeting, BIMSTEC, the Indian Ocean Regional Cooperation initiative and the India-Brazil-South Africa initiative. We have an open mind with regard to other cooperative efforts and are willing to examine the merits of participation if it is in consonance with our objectives and values.

As I speak of the changing nature of our engagement with the international community, it is but natural that I should refer to relations between Singapore and India. It was Singapore, after all, which was among the earliest of our partners to realise the implications of the reforms that we began a decade and a half ago. Our partnership has greatly encouraged India’s stronger participation in South East Asian and East Asian structures since then. At a bilateral level, the Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA) that we concluded in 2005 has been a pioneering effort. Its impact on trade and investment flows is already evident – Singapore ranks among our top five partners on both counts. It has also provided a template to address the requirements of a more encompassing relationship, including quality and standards, investment protection, recognition of qualifications, air services, movement of people, science & technology, as well as education and media. Our defence cooperation has also expanded significantly over the years, and in my previous responsibility as Defence Minister, I was glad to contribute to its growth.

The real significance of our ties lies in the role of Singapore as a restorer of connectivity between India and East Asia. While their more obvious manifestations are in trade and movement of people, the cultural underpinnings are equally important. I would like to take this opportunity to recognise the special significance of the Nalanda Initiative that has been proposed by Foreign Minister George Yeo. There can be no better symbol of a universal message which has promoted interaction among societies over the span of history. We are seeking to fully restore our traditional connectivity through other initiatives as well.

I have had a very productive visit to Singapore, exchanging views with the leadership here and concluding agreements in a number of areas. These include the creation of a Joint Committee led by the Foreign Ministers to regularly assess the totality of our ties, the launch of an India Business Forum that brings together Indian companies in Singapore, the announcement of a bilateral CEO’s Forum whose recommendations would be carefully examined by our Governments, the renewal of our cultural cooperation and an understanding to examine the viability of the reconstruction of the INA Memorial in Singapore. These initiatives illustrate well those very priorities for our foreign policy that I have dilated upon earlier.

At the time of the founding of ASEAN in August 1967, the late Mr. Rajaratnam had spoken of the challenge of marrying national thinking with regional thinking. He saw the necessity of not only thinking of national interests but of positing them against regional interests as a new way of thinking. He also accepted that regional existence means adjustments, which may not be easy. Today, the same logic can be taken to the global level. But what he said for ASEAN then holds true for the foreign policy of India – we stand for something, not against anything.

I thank you for your attention and would be glad to take questions.